Opposing the Crusader State: Alternatives to Global Interventionism

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Depressions are not inherent in a market economy, though; they are caused by the state's disruptive monetary policies.

Opposing the Crusader State

Hence, the demand for foreign markets to be secured by a vigorous — ultimately imperial — foreign policy came out of faulty analysis, exporters' self-interested claims, and later, the coherent weltanschauung of corporate liberalism advanced by reformers and business groups. It is especially important to grasp that the same Progressive reformers who sought broad departures from relative economic liberty at home likewise sought a more vigorous, imperial foreign policy.

Very close in spirit and analysis to English and European "social imperialists," the Progressive activists who overlapped with the businessmen they were supposedly going to regulate for the common good sought the strong state at home and abroad as the instrument of power and social justice. This point is important because later usage of political labels has thoroughly confused the identities of the contending factions. That the modern liberals' policies ultimately strengthened a great many objectively situationally conservative social groups — Big Business, Big Labor, Big Government, the military, defense contractors, and the like — should never be allowed to obscure the newer liberalism's ideological role in blessing the policies.

With the increasing acceptance of the theory that the U. Jenks, who proclaimed that a general crisis of "overproduction" and falling profits menaced American economic life — a crisis so severe, according to them, that only state-assisted engrossment of overseas markets could allay it. The Spanish-American War was the first important conflict occasioned by the new strategy of economic empire.

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By containing the Cuban Revolution and rendering Cuba a virtual U. In addition, the war allowed the acquisition of the Philippine Islands from Spain; the added territory, like the earlier acquisition of Hawaii, was seen as an important stepping-stone to the markets of Asia. In a foretaste of things to come, this adventure in formal colonial imperialism soon led to a guerrilla war — the Philippine Insurrection — in which U.

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By the end, some , Filipinos had perished. The subsequent Open Door Notes , represented a statement of American determination to have access to world markets, whether the peoples of the world willed it or not. Directed at the problem of exclusive European spheres of trade in China, the notes nonetheless reflected U. Hence, U. It is worth pointing out that the supposed "open door" swung mostly one way and did not imply equal access to U.

Firmly convinced of the need for foreign markets, the rightness of gaining them by force, and the "liberalism" of their aims, American administrations from the late nineteenth century to today have subsidized exporters, lobbied abroad for business, brought down "unfriendly" governments by pressure and force, and ultimately gone to war in pursuit of the Open Door and against all apparent threats to its realization.

This multifaceted program has composed the essence of U.

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  • World War I, World War II, and the conflicts of the past sixty years display great continuity upon examination of the record. By the same token, the domestic opposition to U. Although the antiwar forces have allowed themselves to be divided by labels and the loss, at times, of historical self-consciousness, nonetheless a rough tradition has persisted from the opponents of the War of , the Mexican War, and the Spanish-American War who were in this case, more properly, the Anti-Imperialist League, which heroically sought to expose massacres in the Philippines to the opponents of World War I, World War II, the Cold War, Vietnam, and all the wars since then.

    The continuity and tradition of the antiwar forces concern me here. I begin with a summary of some early antiwar movements.

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    • Most American wars have generated dissent well beyond the ranks of traditional pacifist groups, which should not be surprising in view of the cosmopolitan neutrality and pacific inclinations of our original individualist liberalism. These tendencies cut across party lines and narrower concerns. Thus, the supposedly pro-peace Jeffersonians shortsightedly embroiled America in the War of , partly through mercantilist measures of economic warfare Stagg that were intended to "coerce" Britain and France and thereby to achieve U. The war itself proved to be extremely unpopular in New England, and remnants of the moribund Federalist Party rallied much of New England in opposition to it, even keeping local militia out of the conflict.

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      Interventionism (politics)

      Free, but RSVP requested. Immigration Law Clinic Volunteer attorneys available to answer questions from a. Sponosred by the Charles Houston Bar Association. Ongoing Vocal Jazz Workshop from to 4 p. Call to confirm. Around the World Tour of Plants at p. Meet at 9 a. Sponsored by Golden Gate Audubon Society. Wilson at 2 p. Sponsored by Berkeley Architectural Heritage Assoc. Green Sunday: Venezuela Report-back at 5 p. Robert Higgs born 1 February is an American economic historian, economist of the Austrian School , and a libertarian anarchist. His writings in economics and economic history have most often focused on the causes, means, and effects of government growth.

      He has also been a visiting scholar at Oxford University and Stanford University. Higgs held a visiting professorship at the University of Economics, Prague in , [1] and has supervised dissertations in the Ph.

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      In the review, McCarthy remarked that,. A vehement critic of the Iraq war , Higgs wrote in the Los Angeles Chronicle in February that only a high toll in casualties or economic hardship will end the Iraqi war, not cogent arguments. Higgs continued:.